Hamas Leader: Our Main Goal To Remove Israeli Occupation
by Syarif Hidayat
Israel
and Hamas reached a ceasefire agreement on Wednesday, November 21, 2012. Both
the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, and the Hamas prime minister,
Ismail Haniyeh, claim victory in the ceasefire. Speaking in Gaza City on
Thursday, Haniyeh said that all of Hamas's demands had been met, whilst in
Jerusalem, Netanyahu insisted that Operation Pillar of Defense had reached its
goals.
Hamas leaders and thousands of
flag-waving supporters declared victory over Israel on Gaza's first day of calm
under an Egyptian-brokered truce Thursday, as Israeli officials flew to Cairo
for talks on easing a blockade on the battered Palestinian territory.
Eight days of punishing
Israeli air strikes on Gaza and a barrage of Hamas rocket fire on Israel ended
inconclusively. While Israel said it inflicted heavy damage on the militants,
Gaza's Hamas rulers claimed that Israel's decision not to send in ground
troops, as it had four years ago, was a sign of a new deterrent power.
"Resistance
fighters changed the rules of the game with the occupation (Israel), upset its
calculations," Gaza Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh of Hamas, who attended
the rally, said later in a televised speech. "The option of invading Gaza
after this victory is gone and will never return." At the same time, Haniyeh urged Gaza fighters to
respect the truce and to "guard this deal as long as Israel respects
it."
The mood in Israel
was mixed. Some were grateful that quiet had been restored without a ground
operation that could have cost the lives of more soldiers. Others —
particularly those in southern Israel hit by rockets over the past 13 years —
thought the operation was abandoned too quickly. Thousands of Israeli soldiers who had been sent to the border during the
fighting withdrew Thursday, the military said.
Israeli Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the offensive's aims of halting Gaza rocket
fire and weakening Hamas were achieved. "I know there are citizens who
were expecting a harsher response," he said, adding that Israel is
prepared to act if the cease-fire is violated.
Despite the
tough talk, the cease-fire raised hopes of a new era between Israel and Hamas. A senior Israeli official and three aides arrived in
Cairo late Thursday and were escorted to Egypt's intelligence headquarters,
according to Egyptian airport officials, presumably to hammer out the details
of a deal that would include easing a blockade of the territory.
However, the vague language of the
agreement announced Wednesday and deep hostility between the combatants made it
far from certain the bloodshed would end or that either side will get
everything it wants. Israel seeks an end to weapons smuggling into Gaza, while
Hamas wants a complete lifting of the border blockade imposed in 2007, after
the militant group's takeover of Gaza.
Israeli opportunity to end
Gaza closure
The “Gisha-Legal Center for Freedom of
Movement,” an Arab Non-governmental organization in Israel says in its analysis: “As the ceasefire agreement takes
force, Israel has an opportunity to finally end the civilian closure of Gaza
and enter into regional arrangements that will allow residents of Gaza the
freedom of movement to which they have a right, while protecting the security
to which residents of Israel are entitled.”
According to a Gisha analysis titled: “Gaza Gateway: Facts and Analysis About The
Crossings - Gisha
Response to Ceasefire: A Opportunity to End The Gaza Closure,” the Israeli government maintains
three restrictions on Gaza's land crossings that must be removed to protect the
rights of Palestinians to reach family members and access educational and
economic opportunities, subject to individual security checks:
1. Entrance of construction materials for the private sector in Gaza is banned. Israel claims the restrictions are necessary to prevent the Hamas regime from building bunkers. Each month, an estimated average of 3,600 truckloads of construction materials for the private and governmental sector enter Gaza via underground tunnels, compared with just 1,100 truckloads via the crossings with Israel. The materials entering via Israel must be pre-approved for international organizations, causing burdensome and expensive delays.
2. Israel prevents goods from Gaza from reaching their markets in Israel and the West Bank. Although tiny quantities of export abroad transit via Israeli ports, Israel prevents farmers and manufacturers in Gaza from selling their goods to their traditional customers in Israel and the West Bank. Prior to the ban imposed in June 2007, more than 85 percent of goods leaving Gaza were sold in Israel and the West Bank. Today, Israel conducts security checks of goods transiting via Israel to markets abroad (18 truckloads per month on average, just two percent of pre-June 2007 levels) but does not allow those goods to remain in Israel or the West Bank.
3. The Israeli government restricts travel between Gaza and the West Bank to "exceptional humanitarian cases", mostly medical patients, their companions, and senior (male) merchants buying goods from Israel and the West Bank. Each month, Israel allows 4,000 entrances of Palestinians via Erez Crossing, compared with more than half a million in September 2000. Israeli officials say the restrictions are part of the "separation policy", which restricts travel from Gaza to the West Bank, even where no individual security claims are raised. The ban separates children from their parents, prevents students from studying, blocks economic opportunities and exacerbates the fragmentation of Palestinian society.
Opening Rafah Crossing for goods, while important, is not responsive to the need to allow access between Gaza and the West Bank and Israel. Currently, most of the markets for goods from Gaza are in Israel and the West Bank, and the relatively low cost of living in Egypt would make it difficult for Gaza's export – mostly low-cost, labor intensive items like furniture, textiles and produce - to be competitive.
1. Entrance of construction materials for the private sector in Gaza is banned. Israel claims the restrictions are necessary to prevent the Hamas regime from building bunkers. Each month, an estimated average of 3,600 truckloads of construction materials for the private and governmental sector enter Gaza via underground tunnels, compared with just 1,100 truckloads via the crossings with Israel. The materials entering via Israel must be pre-approved for international organizations, causing burdensome and expensive delays.
2. Israel prevents goods from Gaza from reaching their markets in Israel and the West Bank. Although tiny quantities of export abroad transit via Israeli ports, Israel prevents farmers and manufacturers in Gaza from selling their goods to their traditional customers in Israel and the West Bank. Prior to the ban imposed in June 2007, more than 85 percent of goods leaving Gaza were sold in Israel and the West Bank. Today, Israel conducts security checks of goods transiting via Israel to markets abroad (18 truckloads per month on average, just two percent of pre-June 2007 levels) but does not allow those goods to remain in Israel or the West Bank.
3. The Israeli government restricts travel between Gaza and the West Bank to "exceptional humanitarian cases", mostly medical patients, their companions, and senior (male) merchants buying goods from Israel and the West Bank. Each month, Israel allows 4,000 entrances of Palestinians via Erez Crossing, compared with more than half a million in September 2000. Israeli officials say the restrictions are part of the "separation policy", which restricts travel from Gaza to the West Bank, even where no individual security claims are raised. The ban separates children from their parents, prevents students from studying, blocks economic opportunities and exacerbates the fragmentation of Palestinian society.
Opening Rafah Crossing for goods, while important, is not responsive to the need to allow access between Gaza and the West Bank and Israel. Currently, most of the markets for goods from Gaza are in Israel and the West Bank, and the relatively low cost of living in Egypt would make it difficult for Gaza's export – mostly low-cost, labor intensive items like furniture, textiles and produce - to be competitive.
Rafah does not provide a solution
for travel between Gaza and the West Bank, especially as Israel's military does
not allow Gaza residents to enter the West Bank via Egypt and Jordan.
More than 47 percent of civilian goods entering Gaza – enter via the tunnels.
More than 47 percent of civilian goods entering Gaza – enter via the tunnels.
Any change in access arrangements would need
to take into account the high volume of civilian truckloads entering Gaza via
the tunnels: an estimated 4,100 truckloads per month (primarily construction
materials but also small quantities of snack foods, spare parts, and others),
compared with 4,700 truckloads per month via Kerem Shalom.
In addition, most of Gaza's fuel is
piped in via the tunnels. Since 2007, Israel has closed three of Gaza's four
goods crossings, leaving just the limited capacity of Kerem Shalom. If all of
Gaza's incoming and outgoing goods are to be transferred above ground,
arrangements must be made to meet demand. Most civilian goods transiting via
the tunnels are goods banned by the Israeli government: more than 80 percent of civilian tunnel volume is
construction materials, according
to a Gisha analysis received Mi’raj News Agency (MINA).
What is the Closure of Gaza?
What is the Closure of Gaza?
In light of reports that lifting the
closure of Gaza is part of negotiations for a ceasefire, Gisha clarifies what
the closure of Gaza consists of today. Since
June 2010, changes in Israeli and Egyptian policies have made the Gaza Strip
more open to the outside world, but the restrictions that sever it from the
West Bank and Israel remain almost unchanged. These primarily include the ban
on marketing goods from Gaza to Israel and the West Bank and restrictions on
travel of people between Gaza and the West Bank. Both are explained as part of
what Israel calls the "separation
policy".
Transfer of goods into the Gaza Strip :
Transfer of goods into the Gaza Strip :
The only crossing open for the transfer of goods
into and out of the Gaza Strip, except for the tunnels under the Gaza-Egypt
border, is the Kerem Shalom crossing that connects Gaza with Israel. Israel
allows the transfer of all kinds of goods except for materials it defines as
dual use and basic construction materials.
Transfer of goods out of the Gaza Strip :
Transfer of goods out of the Gaza Strip :
Since June 2007, Israel has prevented Palestinians
in Gaza from marketing their goods in Israel and the West Bank, where most of
the demand is. The export of agricultural produce abroad is allowed in
negligible quantities, mainly as part of a project subsidized by the Dutch
government. Formally, the export of furniture and textile from Gaza abroad is
allowed, but demand for these goods outside of Israel and the West Bank is
minimal. Since the beginning of 2012, an average of 18 truckloads of goods were
permitted to leave the Gaza Strip each month, which is just 2% of the level
prior to June 2007.
Access to land, sea and air space of the Gaza Strip :
Access to land, sea and air space of the Gaza Strip :
Israel prevents all access to and from the Gaza
Strip by sea and air. Gaza fishermen are allowed to fish up to three nautical
miles from the coast. Israel prevents access to a 300-1500 meter "buffer
zone" along the border fence.
Travel of people between Gaza and the West Bank :
Travel of people between Gaza and the West Bank :
Movement of people into and out of the Gaza Strip
takes place through the Erez crossing with Israel and the Rafah crossing with
Egypt. Israel allows passage through Erez only in "exceptional
humanitarian cases, with an emphasis on urgent medical cases". In practice,
Israel has since the beginning of the year allowed about 4,000 entrances of
Palestinians a month through Erez to Israel and the West Bank, mostly of senior
merchants and patients and their companions, compared to more than half a
million entrances in September 2000. Israel does not allow Palestinians from
Gaza to enter the West Bank via Jordan, even though in doing so, they don't
seek to travel through Israeli territory.
Travel of people between Gaza and other countries :
Travel of people between Gaza and other countries :
Travel occurs mainly through Egypt, in light of
Israel's ban on travel abroad via air, sea, and Israeli ports. The Rafah
crossing is open to traffic six days per week. In the last four months, an
average of 40,000 people passed through it each month in both directions – a
volume of traffic similar to the level during implementation of the Agreement
on Movement and Access from November 2005 to June 2006. Because it controls the
Palestinian population registry, Israeli exercises indirect control over
issuing Palestinian passports, which are necessary for exit through Rafah
Crossing.
What is the “separation policy”?
In June of 2010, the Israeli
government decided, in a formal Security Cabinet decision, to make changes to
its policy of closure on the Gaza Strip, which had been in effect since Hamas
took over the Strip three years prior. Since the decision, there has been a
gradual removal of restrictions on the transfer of goods and raw materials into
the Gaza Strip and an increase in travel through Erez Crossing, particularly by
businesspeople. Agricultural export from Gaza to Europe via Israel has also
increased somewhat and Egypt’s opening of the Rafah Crossing for travel has
provided a route for Gaza residents to travel abroad.
Gaza is less isolated from the outside world than it was two years ago, however the road to development and economic stability in the Strip remains blocked. Gaza’s connections with Israel and the West Bank, vital for its economy and the welfare of its residents, are still subject to sweeping restrictions on movement. The two main restrictions are the prohibition on marketing goods from Gaza in Israel and the West Bank and the narrow criteria for travel by individuals between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. These restrictions have remained almost entirely unchanged, even after the release of Gilad Shalit from captivity in Gaza in September 2011.
When asked why these restrictions on movement remain in effect, security officials explain that they form part of the “policy of separation” between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. This term reappears in official statements but has never been explained: Is there a well-defined and carefully considered policy that carries this title? What are its goals? What government branch formulated it? Has it been brought for debate in any political forum – the government, the cabinet, the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee?
The Israeli separation policy contains three parts: Part A deals with restrictions on transfer of goods, particularly the sweeping prohibition on marketing goods from Gaza in Israel and the West Bank; Part B deals with restrictions on travel to and from the Gaza Strip and illustrates the two guiding principles of these restrictions, minimizing the number of people who are eligible for travel and preventing Gaza residents from settling in the West Bank, and; Part C looks at the economic, political and security implications of the “separation policy”, relying on the opinions of various experts.
Gaza is less isolated from the outside world than it was two years ago, however the road to development and economic stability in the Strip remains blocked. Gaza’s connections with Israel and the West Bank, vital for its economy and the welfare of its residents, are still subject to sweeping restrictions on movement. The two main restrictions are the prohibition on marketing goods from Gaza in Israel and the West Bank and the narrow criteria for travel by individuals between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. These restrictions have remained almost entirely unchanged, even after the release of Gilad Shalit from captivity in Gaza in September 2011.
When asked why these restrictions on movement remain in effect, security officials explain that they form part of the “policy of separation” between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. This term reappears in official statements but has never been explained: Is there a well-defined and carefully considered policy that carries this title? What are its goals? What government branch formulated it? Has it been brought for debate in any political forum – the government, the cabinet, the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee?
The Israeli separation policy contains three parts: Part A deals with restrictions on transfer of goods, particularly the sweeping prohibition on marketing goods from Gaza in Israel and the West Bank; Part B deals with restrictions on travel to and from the Gaza Strip and illustrates the two guiding principles of these restrictions, minimizing the number of people who are eligible for travel and preventing Gaza residents from settling in the West Bank, and; Part C looks at the economic, political and security implications of the “separation policy”, relying on the opinions of various experts.
The policy that
emerges from the three parts is one that has far-reaching implications, raises
more than a few questions and has not been well-documented or discussed in the
media or among security, economy and legal professionals. We hope to help bring
the “separation policy” up for public and parliamentary debate in the
framework of which it would be weighed against alternatives for regulating
civilian movement between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank that both allow
Gaza’s residents to lead normal lives and enjoy economic development and
safeguard Israel’s security interests.
Gisha’s
position is that Israel is responsible for allowing civilian access between the
Gaza Strip and the West Bank, which it has officially recognized as a single
territorial unit. It must avoid restrictions on movement that are not connected
to concrete security objectives, those that disproportionately harm the
civilian population or deny residents of the Gaza Strip the ability to lead
normal lives and engage in economic development.
Separation and movement of goods
The facts:
-
Since the closure was tightened in June 2007, there has been a sweeping
and absolute prohibition on the marketing of any goods originating in the Gaza
Strip in the West Bank and Israel. This has been the case despite the fact that
until then, 85 percent of the goods exported from the Gaza Strip were marketed
in these areas.
-
Israel permits negligible amounts of export of agricultural produce from
Gaza to Europe as part of a seasonal project financed by the government of the
Netherlands.
-
In the first six months of 2007, about 5750 trucks carrying goods left the
Gaza Strip. During the next three years, from mid-June 2007 to June 2010, a
total of 255 truckloads, all of them carrying agricultural produce, left Gaza
for Europe. In the winter of 2010-2011, the total was 290 truckloads.
-
The amount of agricultural exports planned for this season totals only 561
truckloads.
-
Israel claims that it has approved export of furniture and textiles from
Gaza to Europe, even though there is not and has never been a market for these
Gaza-made products in Europe. On January 22, 2012, the first truck carrying
furniture from Gaza crossed through Israel and the West Bank to an exhibition
in Jordan. In February and March 2012, six truckloads of tomatoes crossed over
from Gaza via Israel to Saudi Arabia.
-
All export of goods which has taken place – to Europe, Jordan and Saudi
Arabia – has been shipped by sea and air from Israel after undergoing
sanitation inspection in Gaza and a comprehensive security inspection at the
Kerem Shalom border crossing.
-
In March 2012, a shipment of 13
truckloads of date-filled energy bars was allowed to cross over from Gaza to
the West Bank as part of a World Food Programme project for school children.
This was the first shipment of goods allowed to travel from Gaza to the West
Bank in five years. However, there was no subsequent announcement of a change
in policy.
-
The Rafah border crossing remains
closed for commercial traffic in both directions.
-
The export ban has paralyzed the industrial sector in the Gaza Strip. Some
83 percent of factories in the Strip are shut down or are operating at half
their capacity or less.
-
At the end of 2011, the unemployment rate was 30.3 percent compared with
15.5 percent in the third quarter of 2000, just before the outbreak of the
Second Intifada. The unemployment level is particularly high among young
job-seekers aged 15-29. It stands at 46.5 percent.
-
A long list of Israeli and
international economists have determined that the ban on the marketing of goods
to Israel and the West Bank is the main impediment to sustainable economic
development in the Gaza Strip. They include Yitzhak Gal, Prof. Ephraim Kleiman
and a World Bank report published in March 2012.
Five Years
of Closure
In the past
five years since Hamas' takeover of Gaza, Israel's policy of closure on the
Strip has undergone important changes. Today Gaza is more opened up towards the
outside world, however sweeping and indiscriminate restrictions on travel and
on movement of goods between Gaza and the West Bank and Israel remain nearly
unchanged.
The following
information explains the changes that have occurred over the past five
years, providing context for those changes based on data about access before
the closure and showing their impact on the economy. We hope this information
can serve as a reminder that despite changes in the policy, the civilian
closure on Gaza has not been lifted entirely and continues to prevent residents
of the Strip from engaging in family life, from accessing opportunities for
higher education, and from the possibility of developing a healthy and
prosperous economy and society.
Movement of people
Concerning
the movement of people there has been a trend of a gradual increase in
access starting in 2009-2010. However, while the number of individual exits to
Egypt has risen nearly to pre-closure numbers, movement to Israel and the West
Bank remains at less than one
percent of the volume before significant restrictions were imposed at
the outbreak of the Second Intifada in 2000.
Movement of goods
The volume of goods allowed into the Strip
increased gradually, particularly since June 2010, after which it stabilized at
around 4,000 truckloads per month or roughly 40 percent of the pre-closure average.
There are two main reasons for the remaining gap.
-
Firstly, severe
restrictions remain on the entrance of building materials to the Strip via
Israel. In the past, building materials comprised approximately half of all
incoming goods. Restrictions via Israel have transferred the supply route of
building materials to tunnels from Egypt. There is also a shift in commercial traffic from the Karni and
Sufa crossings, to Kerem Shalom Crossing which is located at the southernmost
point on the Israel-Gaza border.
-
The second reason for the
remaining gap in the volume of incoming goods is decline in demand for raw
materials due to the paralysis of the industrial sector. This paralysis was
caused and has been sustained by the drop in outgoing trade due to the ban on
marketing products from Gaza in Israel and the West Bank.
In 2011, the rate of outgoing goods
was just two percent of
the level recorded in the first half of 2007, prior to the closure. A March
2012 World Bank report notes that without access to Gaza's traditional markets,
"Gaza's industry will not manage any significant recovery". While
consumption, construction and external aid drove Gaza’s GDP upward, the
labor-intensive industrial and agricultural sectors remain far below their
pre-closure levels of production. Although GDP has experienced growth in recent
years, it remains lower than it was in the year 2005 or even 1994.
Since June 2010, measures introduced
to "ease" the closure have had a positive impact, reflected by most
macro-economic indicators. However, remaining restrictions on movement of
people from Gaza to the West Bank and on marketing of goods from Gaza in Israel
and the West Bank, where changes in policy have been minimal, continue to block
Gaza’s economy from achieving sustainable growth and prevent its residents from
maintaining their personal, cultural, educational and commercial ties with the
West Bank.
These two remnants of the
"economic warfare" doctrine of 2007-2010 (which the current
government ostensibly renounced) are explained by the term "separation
policy" – a policy which in practice deepens the split between the two (Gaza and West Bank) areas,
for admittedly political reasons rather than due to security requirements.
According to Gisha Director Sari
Bashi: "Now is the time for Israel to do what is just, mutually
beneficial, and should have been done long ago: remove all restrictions not
necessary for security."
While Hamas leader, Ismail Haniyeh stressed again that “Our main goal will
remain to remove the occupation so that our people would be able to establish
their free state on all of Palestine and Jerusalem.” (HSH)
Sources: 1.
International News Agencies
2. Gisha
- Legal Center for Freedom of Movement:
Gaza Gateway –
Facts and Analysis About The Crossings